The recently submitted report of the , chaired by Arvind Panagariya, maintains the vertical devolution of central taxes to states at 41% but significantly alters the structure of grants-in-aid. The Commission has eliminated Revenue Deficit Grants and sector-specific grants, favoring a performance and efficiency-based approach over the traditional equity-focused model. This shift has raised concerns about the implicit protection of the Union's fiscal primacy and the potential widening of horizontal inequalities among states with diverse structural constraints.
The Finance Commission is a constitutional body established under Article 280 to address the vertical and horizontal fiscal imbalances inherent in India's federal structure. Its core mandate involves recommending the distribution of the net proceeds of taxes between the Union and the States (vertical devolution) and the allocation among the States (horizontal devolution). The article highlights a critical debate on the constitutional intent behind Article 275, which provides for grants-in-aid. These grants were designed as an equalizing mechanism for states requiring special assistance, acknowledging that a uniform tax devolution formula cannot account for diverse state-specific needs (e.g., hill states, border states). The 16th Finance Commission's decision to eliminate Revenue Deficit Grants shifts the paradigm from a needs-based, equity-driven approach to a compliance-based model. This raises questions about the preservation of fiscal federalism and the potential marginalization of states with structural disadvantages, contrary to the Commission's historical role as a corrective institution.
A central tension in fiscal federalism is balancing efficiency (incentivizing performance and revenue mobilization) with equity (ensuring all states have adequate resources regardless of starting capacity). The 16th Finance Commission prioritizes efficiency by removing Revenue Deficit Grants, arguing they create a moral hazard (incentivizing poor fiscal management in expectation of a bailout). Furthermore, the Commission introduced a 10% weight for contribution to GDP while reducing the weight for income distance (a measure of equity). However, this technocratic approach assumes that states have uniform fiscal capacity, ignoring structural disparities. The article also points out a critical asymmetry: while states face strict fiscal discipline through the loss of gap-filling grants, the Union retains fiscal flexibility through the continued use of non-shareable cesses and surcharges (taxes levied for specific purposes that do not enter the divisible pool). The proposed 'grand bargain' to slowly merge cesses into the divisible pool in exchange for a lower devolution share further illustrates the tension between protecting Union revenues and supporting state fiscal autonomy.
The transition from unconditional, gap-filling grants to tied, performance-based grants, particularly for local governments (the third tier introduced by the 73rd and 74th Amendments), represents a significant shift in governance architecture. The 16th Finance Commission has tied the release of local body funds to stringent conditionalities, such as targets in water, sanitation, revenue mobilization, and audited accounts. While this promotes accountability and better financial management at the grassroots level, it simultaneously curtails the fiscal autonomy of local bodies and states. This compliance-based incentivization model centralizes control by dictating state spending priorities, potentially undermining the decentralized planning envisioned in the Constitution. The article argues that while fiscal discipline is necessary, it cannot substitute for fiscal justice, especially for states burdened by specific demographic pressures, social sector commitments, or geographical constraints.