Yogendra Yadav on delimitation: What India needs is a new compact that isn’t based on dominance

The impending delimitation of Lok Sabha constituencies, expected after the next Census, presents a critical challenge to Indian federalism. The constitutional principle of 'one person, one vote, one value' mandates proportional representation. However, this creates a dilemma: states that successfully implemented national population control policies (primarily in the South) face a potential reduction in their political weight compared to high-population-growth states (primarily in the Hindi heartland). The author argues this violates the unwritten principle of 'non-domination' essential to India's 'holding together' federation. He suggests making the 84th Amendment Act, 2001 freeze on state-wise Lok Sabha seat allocation permanent, while still allowing for internal constituency boundary adjustments. This approach prioritises federal balance and the protection of minority state interests over strict proportional representation, preventing a potential political fault line from emerging between the North and South.

The debate over delimitation is deeply intertwined with inter-state economic disparities, which have widened significantly since the 1991 economic liberalisation. The editorial highlights the tension where political power is increasingly concentrated in demographically expanding but economically deprived regions, while economic power resides in states with slower population growth. The current framework for devolution of central taxes, guided by the Finance Commission, uses population and income distance (underdevelopment) as key criteria, resulting in a net transfer of resources from richer (often Southern and Western) states to poorer (often Northern and Eastern) states. The author warns against demands from richer states for a return based solely on tax contribution, arguing it violates the principles of justice and non-domination. He notes that developed states benefit from the national common market, access to cheap labour, and historical policies like the Freight Equalization Policy. A sustainable federal compact requires maintaining an equitable resource-sharing formula that acknowledges both population needs and the structural advantages enjoyed by more developed regions.

A crucial pillar of the proposed new national compact involves safeguarding cultural and linguistic diversity. The author identifies linguistic divisions as a potential fault line that overlaps with emerging geographic and economic disparities. The constitutional framework, particularly the Eighth Schedule and Article 351 (directive for the development of the Hindi language), attempts to balance the promotion of Hindi with the protection of regional languages. However, the author cautions against the perceived imposition of an 'officious and artificial Hindi' in educational policies and state symbolism. A robust federal compact must guarantee non-imposition of any single language and ensure equal respect for all official and non-scheduled languages. This emphasizes the state's role in actively recognizing and promoting India's inherent multilingualism, rather than prioritizing a singular linguistic identity, which is vital for preventing alienation in non-Hindi speaking states.